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As the co-existence of parties that court the Malay vote is historically untenable, intense manoeuvring has taken place since March 8. Like three players competing to grab two chairs in a game of musical chairs, UMNO, PKR and PAS all want to make sure that the victim is someone else.
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Prime Minister Lee went one step further during his National Day Rally speech on August 17th, announcing a slight relaxation of regulations governing political films, podcasts and political advertising on the Internet. He acknowledged that the new media will change the way Singapore conducts its politics.
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Paradoxically, the reputation of Indonesian political parties are probably at their lowest ebb since democratic elections took root. Polls indicate that the Indonesian public, over 220 million strong, consider political parties to be corrupt vehicles for the pursuit of selfish interests by powerful elites, and have little credibility.
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So, is there no significance in the flurry of new formulas for inter-regional institutions other than the vainglory of its progenitors? The timing of these proposals is important because all of them have come in a period when world power configurations are undergoing a shift towards multi-polarity.
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In view of China’s rise and nuanced handling of Asia, it behoves Washington to engage the region as an integrated partner, not on a bilateral basis but as a major architect of Asian regionalism. This rebalancing constitutes what policymakers in most Asian capitals are expecting from Washington.
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